Friends,

Another correction. I was incorrect that Ron Richard moved from Senate president pro tem to House speaker. It was the other way, from speaker to the Senate, the first time in 100 year's according to Richard's Senate bio.

I fixed the date of former House Speaker Ken Rothman's quote describing himself when he ran for governor as a "reform candidate." He ran for governor in 1984, NOT as I originally wrote 1977. Rothman became House speaker in 1977.

It was an awful mistake given how closely I had covered Rothman.

I owe a thanks to Missouri Independent's Rudi Keller and AP's David Lieb  for catching my mistake.

Both had been statehouse students for me. So, maybe I helped teach them accuracy discipline that I obviously failed to do.

Phill

By Phill Brooks

The House Ethics Committee investigation of Speaker Dean Plocher reminds me of the recent history of House speakers who ended their time in office under a legal or ethical cloud.

As the Missouri Independent has reported, Plocher sought House reimbursement for travel that had been covered by campaign funds. And he pressured House staff to go around the normal contract bidding process in an unsuccessful push to award a lucrative software contract to a private company to handle House emails.

Subsequently, the bipartisan leaders of the House Ethics Committee investigation of Plocher concluded he had obstructed the committee's investigation.

But over the years, I've covered more than my share of House speakers who ended their share of House speakers who ended their tenure under a cloud of suspicion -- with three forced to resign early.

In 1976, Democrat Richard Rabbitt resigned to run for lieutenant governor. But it turned out he was under federal investigation that ultimately led to conviction for seeking funds for support of legislation backed by transportation interests.

Rabbitt had been a powerful and effective speaker. After his death, the Associated Press reported that he had "built a reputation as a reformer." That fits with what I remember of Rabbitt.

In 1996, Democrat Bob Griffin resigned as House speaker shortly before federal indictments were issued involving efforts for special interests.

His 15 years as speaker set a Missouri record for a House speaker that will not be repeated without repeal of legislative term limits . Griffin was one of the most powerful and effective Speakers I have covered.

In 2009, legislative term limits forced House Speaker Rod Jetton out of office after serving a full four-year term as speaker. However, he subsequently was investigated for a pay-for-play scheme involving legislation involving adult entertainment businesses. No indictments were issued, but he did pleaded guilty to a sexual assault charge. Plocher recently hired Jetton to be his chief of staff.

In 2011, Republican Steve Tilley resigned as speaker five months before his term as speaker would end citing a desire to spend more time with family and to become a lobbyist. However, he subsequently faced FBI scrutiny for his lobbying efforts, but was not charged with a crime.

In 2015, Republican House Speaker John Diehl resigned just months into his speakership after reports he had been sending sexually inappropriate text messages to a 19-year-old legislative intern.

Diehl resigned after he failed to win support from a closed-door caucus of fellow Republican House members. Diehl's tenure as speaker lasted less than six months.

Like Griffin, Diehl had been a powerful influence in the House, but he accepted the loss of his party's support to continue as Speaker.

What stands out for me in this near one-half century history covering House speakers is how many recognized their time was over, despite holding one of the most powerful and influential leadership positions in Missouri's General Assembly.

Obviously, criminal investigations and loss of support from party colleagues were significant factors for those who resigned before their terms in office had expired and/or dropped future political aspirations. But what remains is that they ultimately recognized it was time to go.

I would be remiss if I did not list the speakers I've covered who left without being under a cloud of scandal.

The St. Louis Post-Dispatch quoted former House Speaker Ken Rothman describing himself a "reform candidate" when he unsuccessfully ran for governor in 1984. He sure was a reformer. He cited his leadership in getting the State's Sunshine law requiring open government meetings and records and campaign finance restrictions.

Realize, when Rothman was speaker, there was a strong conservative faction of legislative Democrats that Rothman was able to win over for governmental accountability measures.

In 2000, Democrat Steve Gaw completed eight years as speaker. His Facebook page strikes his as a reflection of his legislative service: "I am a tree planted by the water bearing fruit when possible." I remember him as a moderate and a public policy wonk, particularly on utility issues. He ultimately became chair of the utility-regulating Public Service Commission.

But his position as a moderate failed him in 2008 when he lost the Democratic nomination for Congress.

In 2003, Catherine Hanaway became the first woman Missouri House Speaker after she organized a campaign that won GOP control of the House that Republicans continue to hold today.

As a former federal prosecutor and journalism graduate, she was a tremendous source for reporters. She was completely candid with reporters and did not resist tough questions. So often in my interviews with Hanaway, she would respond to a question with "that's a gotcha-question." She usually was correct, but she always answered my "gotcha questions."

In 2010 House speaker Ron Richard was elected to the Senate top leader where he later became the chamber's top leader as president pro tem. It was a unique move in my time covering the legislature. Richard's biography reports it was the first time in 100 years that a Missouri House speaker went to the state Senate.

Richard was one of the most effective legislative leaders I've covered. His ability to win support in a Republican-controlled legislature for an increase in the state's motor-fuel sales tax. Beyond his ability to forge agreements, he also has a devoted historian about the General Assembly and and its traditions.